On the exact day Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government released an similarly flamboyant security policy document. This relatively short report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically modest claim that the president has brought back "the United States and the globe – back from the edge of catastrophe and ruin."
Even though the strategy mostly codifies the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a grave warning for the international community, and for Europe specifically.
The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European greatness." Its language seems lifted directly from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the so-called refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to reclaim its cultural self-assurance." Even more ominously, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the genuine and starker possibility of cultural extinction."
The whole section on Europe is imbued with generations of European far-right ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, suppression of free speech and stifling of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-confidence." Per the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economies and armed forces strong enough to remain reliable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion genuine democracy, free speech, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."
These arguments carry powerful echoes of two concepts seen as foundational for contemporary far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace restive "indigenous" populations and import a more docile and reliant electorate.
It is the nativist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "The United States encourages its ideological partners in Europe to promote this resurgence of national spirit, and the growing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."
In other words, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the only movement that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating resistance to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to restore their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document remains vague on implementation, it is apparent that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not regard Russia as an enemy either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
None of this is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will at last realize that the situation is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be summarised in clear and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.
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